‘Greedy Bastards’ – MPs’ Second Jobs

By | November 9, 2021

Another quick explanation of the technical phrase ‘greedy bastards’ might be in order here: in my published writings and my blogs this denotes those transnational (Bauman calls them ‘nomads’) ‘capital monopolists’ (financiers, major shareholders, CEOs of multinational corporations etc) who buy power from leading national politicians to make policy in their own interests, namely, the accumulation of capital. One consequence is a growing and unacceptable level of material and social inequality, but, as their voting patterns affirm, they don’t give a shit about the poor.

What better example of the ‘greedy bastards’ operating at the very heart of the ‘capitalist’ democracy – that some are still pleased to call a ‘parliamentary’ democracy – than the present furore over lobbying and extra monies from MPs’ second jobs?

The Owen Paterson case that Johnson and his gang were so keen to bury has opened up for public consideration yet another can of worms. Paterson was of course found guilty of ‘egregious lobbying’ and has belatedly disappeared from the House of Commons. He had pocketed over £100,000 per annum from a number of companies for intervening in the political arena on their behalf. It has since emerged that he is unexceptional in cashing in from his position as an MP.

The Guardian found that more than a quarter of Tory MPs have ‘second jobs’ with firms whose activities range from gambling to private healthcare, making more than £4 million extra earnings in a year. According to the ‘register of MPs’ interests’ more than 90 out of 360 Tories have extra jobs on top of their work in parliament. They are overwhelmingly older, and 86% are men. The highest earners were all former cabinet ministers. The highest earner is Andrew Mitchell, who made £182,600 for 34.5 days work in a variety of financial advisory roles, with firms including Investec and EY. Chris Grayling, arch incompetent ex-transport secretary, is earning £100,000 a year from Hutchinson Ports Europe. John Redwood, former Welsh secretary, is earning more than £230,000 working for an investment advisory company, Charles Stanley, and a private equity firm; and Alun Cairns, a former Welsh secretary, acts as advisor to a Wales-based global diagnostics company, BBI, with all his consultancy roles bringing in a total of £60,000. Liam Fox, former trade secretary, has a £10,000 consultancy with WorldPR, a Panama-based PR company for advice on business and international politics; and Julian, former chief whip, is making approximately £144,ooo per annum from advisory roles with marine, renewal and hydrogen firms.

The Independent estimates on the basis of declared interests that the top 10 earners from second jobs in the private sector, all Tories, have earned £3.2 million since the start of 2020.

I could of course go on. Sufficient to note here that some ministers, who are not ‘supposed to’ have second jobs, have managed to retain them in currently unpaid capacities. Jacob Rees-Mogg, for example, Leader of the House of Commons, remains an unpaid partner in Somerset Capital management LLP, an investment management firm. I have blogged elsewhere on this particular ‘greedy bastard’, and noted his voting record against those less fortunate in their inherited wealth.

It is worth dwelling here on the circumstances of ex-attorney general, Geoffrey Cox. The Daily Mail reported that Cox spent up to a month in the British Virgin Islands during lockdown (the meanwhile voting by proxy). Cox earned in excess of £150,000 in his second job as a lawyer advising the Caribbean tax haven in relation to corruption charges brought by the Foreign Office. The Mail quoted a senior Whitehall source claiming Cox had in fact been ‘pocketing hundreds of thousands of pounds to help stop the exposure of corruption in a Caribbean paradise.’ The Guardian records that Cox is making around £1 million a year as a barrister.

Non-Tories have far fewer MPs in this position, though they have some. Labour proposed banning second jobs at the last election, but since its Starmerite purge of Corbyn and his supporters has backtracked (as on so many other manifesto commitments and personal promises at the time he was up for election as Labour leader).

Clearly a family of interlocking abuses need to be addressed: the scandal of tax havens and tax evasion and avoidance; MPs’ paid lobbying and second jobs, the revolving door between government and the private sector; the placing of rich donors in the antediluvian House of Lords; and so on. Johnson sits at the apex of an increasingly authoritarian government with no intention of doing any real damage to the vested interests it represents and profits from on a personal basis. No wonder Corbyn was seen as such a threat, and how interesting that the Guardian is now exposing Tory corruption having previously actively helped to destroy Corbyn’s electoral chances in 2017 and 2019. No effective changes can be anticipated in the foreseeable future.

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